美国独立战争与内战的相同和区别 美国独立战争和美国内战的异同比较
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相同：都为北美资产阶级扫除了道路，都是资产阶级革命
区别：独立战争则包含了美国独立解放，而内战则为南北两种经济制度的矛盾所引发的分裂战争
美国独立战争导火索是1773年波士顿倾茶事件,
开始标志是1775年4月列克星顿的枪声 ,
转折点是1777年萨拉托加战役,
结果1783年英国承认美国独立!!
美国内战
导火索是1860年，代表北方资产阶级利益、主张限制奴隶制的美国共和党候选人林肯当选为总统
开始标志1861年4月南方军队炮轰一座联邦军队要塞。表明南方奴隶主阶级开始进行武力分裂，挑起内战。
结束标志：1865年4月，北方军队攻占南方都城里士满，内战以北方的胜利而告结束。
影响：北方在战争中的胜利，确立了北方大资产阶级在全国的统治地位。内战消灭了奴隶制，从而为美国的资本主义迅速发展扫清了道路。《宅地法》的实施 ，加速了西部的开发，促进农业资本主义发展中 美国式道路的胜利。因而19世纪末美国一跃而成为世界上最先进的工农业资本主义大国。
不得不提的是南北战争的根本原因：南北两种经济制度之间的矛盾。两种社会制度即奴隶制度与自由劳动制度之间的斗争矛盾的不可协调。
谈到美国的两次资产阶级革命就会提到华盛顿和林肯
华盛顿：华盛顿是美国独立战争时期，杰出的资产阶级革命领导者，他领导和指挥美国人民，取得独立战争的胜利，是杰出的资产阶级革命家，军事家，他领导美国人民推翻英国封建主义，使美国走上资本主义道路，为美国资本主义经济发展做出了重大贡献。他担任了美国的一任总统，确立了民主的政治原则，开创了美国政治的民主之风，是伟大的资产阶级政治家，深受美国人民的爱戴，被尊称为“国父”。
林肯：林肯是世界历史中最伟大的人物之一，领导了拯救联邦和结束奴隶制度的伟大斗争。人们怀念他的正直、仁慈和坚强的个性，他一直是美国历史上最受人景仰的总统之一。通过颁布《解放奴隶宣言》，让400万奴隶获得自由；他遇刺身亡后，美国正式废除了奴隶制。林肯成功维护了美国的统一，为推动美国社会向前发展做出了巨大贡献。
The Civil War was caused by a myriad of conflicting pressures, principles, and prejudices, fueled by sectional differences and pride, and set into motion by a most unlikely set of political events. At the root of all of the problems was the institution of slavery, which had been introduced into North America in early colonial times. The American Revolution had been fought to validate the idea that all men were created equal, yet slavery was legal in all of the thirteen colonies throughout the revolutionary period. Although it was gone from the northern states by 1787, it was still enshrined in the new Constitution of the United States at the behest of the southern ones, where it remained a paradox, and came to color every aspect of American life. Even at the Constitutional Convention there were arguments over slavery. Representatives of the northern states claimed that if the southern slaves were mere property, then they should not be counted toward voting representation in Congress. Southerners, placed in the difficult position of trying to argue, at least in this case, that the slaves were human beings, eventually came to accept the three-fifths compromise, by which five slaves counted as three free men toward that representation. By the end of the convention the institution of slavery itself, though never specifically mentioned, was protected within the Constitution. It seemed to Thomas Jefferson and many others that slavery was on its way out, doomed to die a natural death. It was becoming increasingly expensive to keep slaves in the agrarian society of the south. Northern and southern members of Congress voted together to abolish the importation of slaves from overseas in 1808, but the domestic slave trade continued to flourish. The invention of the cotton gin made the cultivation of cotton on large plantations using slave labor a profitable enterprise in the deep South. The slave became an ever more important element of the southern economy, and so the debate about slavery, for the southerner, gradually evolved into an economically based question of money and power, and ceased to be a theoretical or ideological issue at all. It became an institution that southerners felt bound to protect. But even as the need to protect it grew, the ability, or at least the perceived ability of the South to do so was waning. Southern leaders grew progressively more sensitive to this condition. In 1800 half of the population of the United States had lived in the South. But by 1850 only a third lived there and the disparity continued to widen. While northern industrial opportunity attracted scores of immigrants from Europe in search of freedom the South's population stagnated. Even as slave states were added to the Union to balance the number of free ones, the South found that its representatives in the House had been overwhelmed by the North’s explosive growth. More and more emphasis was now placed on maintaining parity in the Senate. Failing this, the paranoid theory went, the South would find itself at the mercy of a government in which it no longer had an effective voice. Never mind that slavery was protected under the constitution, and that it would have been impossible to make amendments to abolish it. Jefferson Davis, at the time a Senator from Mississippi, summed up the sectionalist argument himself. Speaking, in effect, to the people of the North concerning slavery, “It is not humanity that influences you… it is that you may have a majority in the Congress of the United States and convert the Government into an engine of Northern aggrandizement… you want by an unjust system of legislation to promote the industry of the United States at the expense of the people of the South.” There, in plain English, is the shrill, accusatory language of sectionalism.
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