求鸠山由纪夫8月31日在《纽约时报》发表文章的全文
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很多人从金融危机中认识到，美国单边主义的时代也许会终结。金融危机也使人们对于美元作为关键全球性货币的永久性地位产生了怀疑。
我还认为，由于伊拉克战争的失败和金融危机的发生，美国主导的全球主义的时代正走向终结，我们正迈向一个多极化的时代。
当前的事态明确表明，中国将成为世界上主要的经济体之一。在不太遥远的未来，中国经济的规模将超过日本。
日本夹在美国和中国之间。在这种情况下，日本应如何保持自己的政治和经济独立并保护自己的国家利益呢？
这个问题不仅日本关注，而且亚洲的中小国家也关注。它们希望美国的军事力量有效地发挥作用，以维护该地区的稳定，但是也希望约束美国在政治和经济方面的过分行为。
现在，不管怎样，超国家的马克思主义和全球主义政治经济哲学的发展已经陷入停滞状态。与此同时，民族主义却再次开始对各种国家产生重大影响。
在我们设法建立国际合作的新架构之际，我们必须克服民族主义过度的问题，走以规则为基础的经济合作和安全之路。
与欧洲的情况不同，这个地区的国家大小、发展阶段和政治制度各异，因此经济一体化无法在短期内实现。然而，我们应该有迈向区域性货币一体化的追求，使区域性货币一体化作为快速经济增长的自然延伸（快速经济增长始于日本，韩国、台湾和香港紧随其后，后来又在东盟和中国得以实现）。我们必须不遗余力地建立对巩固货币一体化至关重要的永久性安全框架。
建立亚洲共同货币可能需要10年以上的时间。这样一种单一货币带来政治一体化所需的时间无疑会更长。
东盟、日本、中国（包括香港）、韩国和台湾的国内生产总值目前占世界的1/4。东亚地区的经济实力和该地区内部相互依赖的关系不断扩大和深化。因此，成立区域性经济集团所需要的架构已经存在。
另一方面，由于各国的安全利益互相冲突以及存在历史和文化冲突，我们必须认识到，目前存在诸多难以解决的政治问题。军事化增强的问题和领土争端无法通过类似日本和韩国之间或日本和中国之间的双边谈判得到解决。双方对这些问题讨论得越多，情绪被激发、民族主义加剧的风险也就越大。
所以我认为，只有迈向程度更大的一体化，阻碍地区一体化的问题才能真正得到解决。欧盟的经历告诉我们，地区一体化能够化解领土争端。
我认为，地区一体化和集体安全是我们在实现日本宪法主张的和平主义和多边合作原则方面应该遵循的道路。这也是为保护日本的政治和经济独立、在身处美中之间的情况下追求我们利益应该遵循的适当道路。
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/31/world/asia/31japan.html?_r=1&ref=todayspaper
TOKYO — Japan’s voters cast out the Liberal Democratic Party for only the second time in postwar history on Sunday, handing a landslide victory to a party that campaigned on a promise to reverse a generation-long economic decline and to redefine Tokyo’s relationship with Washington........
很多人从金融危机中认识到，美国单边主义的时代也许会终结。金融危机也使人们对于美元作为关键全球性货币的永久性地位产生了怀疑。
我还认为，由于伊拉克战争的失败和金融危机的发生，美国主导的全球主义的时代正走向终结，我们正迈向一个多极化的时代。
当前的事态明确表明，中国将成为世界上主要的经济体之一。在不太遥远的未来，中国经济的规模将超过日本。
日本夹在美国和中国之间。在这种情况下，日本应如何保持自己的政治和经济独立并保护自己的国家利益呢？
这个问题不仅日本关注，而且亚洲的中小国家也关注。它们希望美国的军事力量有效地发挥作用，以维护该地区的稳定，但是也希望约束美国在政治和经济方面的过分行为。
现在，不管怎样，超国家的马克思主义和全球主义政治经济哲学的发展已经陷入停滞状态。与此同时，民族主义却再次开始对各种国家产生重大影响。
在我们设法建立国际合作的新架构之际，我们必须克服民族主义过度的问题，走以规则为基础的经济合作和安全之路。
与欧洲的情况不同，这个地区的国家大小、发展阶段和政治制度各异，因此经济一体化无法在短期内实现。然而，我们应该有迈向区域性货币一体化的追求，使区域性货币一体化作为快速经济增长的自然延伸（快速经济增长始于日本，韩国、台湾和香港紧随其后，后来又在东盟和中国得以实现）。我们必须不遗余力地建立对巩固货币一体化至关重要的永久性安全框架。
建立亚洲共同货币可能需要10年以上的时间。这样一种单一货币带来政治一体化所需的时间无疑会更长。
东盟、日本、中国（包括香港）、韩国和台湾的国内生产总值目前占世界的1/4。东亚地区的经济实力和该地区内部相互依赖的关系不断扩大和深化。因此，成立区域性经济集团所需要的架构已经存在。
另一方面，由于各国的安全利益互相冲突以及存在历史和文化冲突，我们必须认识到，目前存在诸多难以解决的政治问题。军事化增强的问题和领土争端无法通过类似日本和韩国之间或日本和中国之间的双边谈判得到解决。双方对这些问题讨论得越多，情绪被激发、民族主义加剧的风险也就越大。
所以我认为，只有迈向程度更大的一体化，阻碍地区一体化的问题才能真正得到解决。欧盟的经历告诉我们，地区一体化能够化解领土争端。
我认为，地区一体化和集体安全是我们在实现日本宪法主张的和平主义和多边合作原则方面应该遵循的道路。这也是为保护日本的政治和经济独立、在身处美中之间的情况下追求我们利益应该遵循的适当道路。（编辑：陶志彭）
A New Path for Japan
By YUKIO HATOYAMA
Published: August 26, 2009
TOKYO — In the post-Cold War period, Japan has been continually buffeted by the winds of market fundamentalism in a U.S.-led movement that is more usually called globalization. In the fundamentalist pursuit of capitalism people are treated not as an end but as a means. Consequently, human dignity is lost.
How can we put an end to unrestrained market fundamentalism and financial capitalism, that are void of morals or moderation, in order to protect the finances and livelihoods of our citizens? That is the issue we are now facing.
In these times, we must return to the idea of fraternity — as in the French slogan “liberté, égalité, fraternité” — as a force for moderating the danger inherent within freedom.
Fraternity as I mean it can be described as a principle that aims to adjust to the excesses of the current globalized brand of capitalism and accommodate the local economic practices that have been fostered through our traditions.
The recent economic crisis resulted from a way of thinking based on the idea that American-style free-market economics represents a universal and ideal economic order, and that all countries should modify the traditions and regulations governing their economies in line with global (or rather American) standards.
In Japan, opinion was divided on how far the trend toward globalization should go. Some advocated the active embrace of globalism and leaving everything up to the dictates of the market. Others favored a more reticent approach, believing that efforts should be made to expand the social safety net and protect our traditional economic activities. Since the administration of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi (2001-2006), the Liberal Democratic Party has stressed the former, while we in the Democratic Party of Japan have tended toward the latter position.
The economic order in any country is built up over long years and reflects the influence of traditions, habits and national lifestyles. But globalism has progressed without any regard for non-economic values, or for environmental issues or problems of resource restriction.
If we look back on the changes in Japanese society since the end of the Cold War, I believe it is no exaggeration to say that the global economy has damaged traditional economic activities and destroyed local communities.
In terms of market theory, people are simply personnel expenses. But in the real world people support the fabric of the local community and are the physical embodiment of its lifestyle, traditions and culture. An individual gains respect as a person by acquiring a job and a role within the local community and being able to maintain his family’s livelihood.
Under the principle of fraternity, we would not implement policies that leave areas relating to human lives and safety — such as agriculture, the environment and medicine — to the mercy of globalism.
Our responsibility as politicians is to refocus our attention on those non-economic values that have been thrown aside by the march of globalism. We must work on policies that regenerate the ties that bring people together, that take greater account of nature and the environment, that rebuild welfare and medical systems, that provide better education and child-rearing support, and that address wealth disparities.
Another national goal that emerges from the concept of fraternity is the creation of an East Asian community. Of course, the Japan-U.S. security pact will continue to be the cornerstone of Japanese diplomatic policy.
But at the same time, we must not forget our identity as a nation located in Asia. I believe that the East Asian region, which is showing increasing vitality, must be recognized as Japan’s basic sphere of being. So we must continue to build frameworks for stable economic cooperation and security across the region.
The financial crisis has suggested to many that the era of U.S. unilateralism may come to an end. It has also raised doubts about the permanence of the dollar as the key global currency.
I also feel that as a result of the failure of the Iraq war and the financial crisis, the era of U.S.-led globalism is coming to an end and that we are moving toward an era of multipolarity. But at present no one country is ready to replace the United States as the dominant country. Nor is there a currency ready to replace the dollar as the world’s key currency. Although the influence of the U.S. is declining, it will remain the world’s leading military and economic power for the next two to three decades.
Current developments show clearly that China will become one of the world’s leading economic nations while also continuing to expand its military power. The size of China’s economy will surpass that of Japan in the not-too-distant future.
How should Japan maintain its political and economic independence and protect its national interest when caught between the United States, which is fighting to retain its position as the world’s dominant power, and China, which is seeking ways to become dominant?
This is a question of concern not only to Japan but also to the small and medium-sized nations in Asia. They want the military power of the U.S. to function effectively for the stability of the region but want to restrain U.S. political and economic excesses. They also want to reduce the military threat posed by our neighbor China while ensuring that China’s expanding economy develops in an orderly fashion. These are major factors accelerating regional integration.
Today, as the supranational political and economic philosophies of Marxism and globalism have, for better or for worse, stagnated, nationalism is once again starting to have a major influence in various countries.
As we seek to build new structures for international cooperation, we must overcome excessive nationalism and go down a path toward rule-based economic cooperation and security.
Unlike Europe, the countries of this region differ in size, development stage and political system, so economic integration cannot be achieved over the short term. However, we should nonetheless aspire to move toward regional currency integration as a natural extension of the rapid economic growth begun by Japan, followed by South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong, and then achieved by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China. We must spare no effort to build the permanent security frameworks essential to underpinning currency integration.
Establishing a common Asian currency will likely take more than 10 years. For such a single currency to bring about political integration will surely take longer still.
ASEAN, Japan, China (including Hong Kong), South Korea and Taiwan now account for one quarter of the world’s gross domestic product. The economic power of the East Asian region and the interdependent relationships within the region have grown wider and deeper. So the structures required for the formation of a regional economic bloc are already in place.
On the other hand, due to historical and cultural conflicts as well as conflicting national security interests, we must recognize that there are numerous difficult political issues. The problems of increased militarization and territorial disputes cannot be resolved by bilateral negotiations between, for example, Japan and South Korea, or Japan and China. The more these problems are discussed bilaterally, the greater the risk that emotions become inflamed and nationalism intensified.
Therefore, I would suggest, somewhat paradoxically, that the issues that stand in the way of regional integration can only be truly resolved by moving toward greater integration. The experience of the E.U. shows us how regional integration can defuse territorial disputes.
I believe that regional integration and collective security is the path we should follow toward realizing the principles of pacifism and multilateral cooperation advocated by the Japanese Constitution. It is also the appropriate path for protecting Japan’s political and economic independence and pursuing our interests in our position between the United States and China.
Let me conclude by quoting the words of Count Coudenhove-Kalergi, founder of the first popular movement for a united Europe, written 85 years ago in “Pan-Europa” (my grandfather, Ichiro Hatoyama, translated his book, “The Totalitarian State Against Man,” into Japanese): “All great historical ideas started as a utopian dream and ended with reality. Whether a particular idea remains as a utopian dream or becomes a reality depends on the number of people who believe in the ideal and their ability to act upon it.”
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